The Beijing Consensus: How China's Authoritarian Model Will Dominate the Twenty-First Century

By Stefan Halper

Book Overview

Beijing presents a clear and gathering threat to Washington--but not for the reasons you think. China's challenge to the West stems from its transformative brand of capitalism and an entirely... This description may be from another edition of this product.

• Format: Hardcover
• Language: English
• ISBN: 0465013619
• ISBN13: 9780465013616
• Release Date: April 2010
• Publisher: Basic Books (AZ)
• Length: 296 Pages
• Weight: 1.20 lbs.
• Dimensions: 1.2" x 6.2" x 9.3"
• Age Range: 18 years and up
• Grade Range: Postsecondary and higher

Customer Reviews

Excelent! China is "neither this nor that, neither enemy nor partner"

Stefan Halper notes that China isn't a global enemy for a number of reasons. Namely, they're content not to directly challenge us militarily, especially when we shoot ourselves in the foot internationally enough anyway, they can challenge us economically in much of the developing world, and they're content to have much of their military focus directed at either internal stability or else purely regional muscle-flexing. But, this book is more a warning to the "panda huggers" than the "panda bashers." China will not become more democratic any time in the near future just because we're economically "engaging" them. Halper notes this theory has now been tested for 30 years, 20 of those since Tiananmen Square, and it's clear China's leadership is not making any more toward real, participatory democracy. In addition, he notes the leadership is cognizant of China's history of dynastic overthrows. And, its Confucionistic philosophical-religious heritage leans away from the individualism of Western-style democracy, too. Add to that, what I noted at top. China will stake out, and IS now staking out, spheres of economic influence in developing nations. It has the money to make loans all across Africa. It won't impose democracy-boosting conditions on said loans, unlike the IMF or World Bank; in fact, China doesn't want to do that. But, it's at the price of flooding those countries with cheap Chinese products while extracting their oil or heavy metals. So, while technically China isn't our enemy, if you have to put it in terms of polarity, it's more an enemy than a friend. It's definitely a country to not take lightly, certainly not in the "engagement" nonsense. But, Halper says, with all that, there's still the possibility of realpolitik with soft power keeping China contained in a multipolar world. An excellent summary analysis.

In effect China's approach marginalizes Western values, and this book is a key to understanding that

The Beijing Consensus: How China's Authoritarian Model Will Dominate The 21st Century is a pick for any library strong in US/China relations and social issue alike, and comes from a foreign policy expert who argues about the real China threat facing America. China's new role on the global stage brings with it new Third World interactions and relationships as it funds infrastructure projects in these countries in a fraction of the time taken by the more traditional IMF or World Bank - and without demands about civil rights and internal practices. In effect China's approach marginalizes Western values, and this book is a key to understanding that process.

USA Influence to decline

I travel frequently throughout the Mid and Far East. For several years I've commented to friends that it's scary to see their wealth and rate of growth. And that I was concerned that I rarely saw evidence of US firms doing any of the massive infrastructure work. After reading I have a much better understanding of why over the last few years the US influence seems to be dramatically declining. Every day when I read the Financial Times I see articles that report on the advances of the China Consensus exactly as noted in the book.

Comprehensive, Informative, Timely, & Well Written

Stefan Halper, educated in Britain (PhD's at both Oxford and Cambridge) and a professor at Cambridge, draws on a classical education to make his case, but does so in a powerful, provocative, no holds bared manner. As the New York Times said, his book, "The Beijing Consensus" is a game changer--it challenges the parameters of the China debate. Long overdue, Halper has cast the cat amongst the pigeons in what will surely tease out both critics and advocates. Halper's book offers a fresh, badly needed perspective on China, US-China relations, and how US policy (as reflected in the Washington Consensus) in the developing world has eroded the prospects for democratic government and the progressive civic culture needed to support it. The book captures the subtle, non-confrontational quality of China's global rise--"it arrives on little cat's feet". It draws the Chinese dynamic together by making the crucial link between the Communist Party's fear of chaos, China's need for 8% growth, and China's mercantile policies that exploit the Third World...and here Halper draws both on his experience in Africa and in China. I found the comments of President Wade of Senegal and President Museveni of Uganda both amusing and credible illustrations of the frustration of dealing with the West in general, and the World Bank and IMF, in particular. Unlike other recent books examining China's rise, Halper, to his credit, does not seem overly excited about either China's growing military prowess or its rapidly expanding economy which he sees linked to the US in a "Marriage of liabilities" in which a difficult but symbiotic relationship will continue. He believes both the military and economic dimensions of the US-China relationship are critically important and require the president's priority attention, but should be approached as "problem management "questions, not crises. Instead, Halper points to a "battle of ideas" about governance and makes the point that the global information space will provide the context for confrontation. Both China and the US have, Halper believes, concluded that conflict over territory is less likely than confrontation over different models of governance: China's "market-authoritarian model" versus the "Western "market-democratic" model. Thus, he quotes Harvard's Joe Nye, saying "It's not whose army wins, its whose story wins". This sets up a contest revolving around values and presentation. Halper makes the point that Washington's China policy today does not address the critical contest unfolding in the global information space where China recently launched a $6.6 billion program in 56 languages to frame unfolding events to its liking--and thus the US is posed to lose where it really counts. He urges a fresh look at China policy to meet this challenge. China's impact on world affairs in the century ahead raises critical policy and resource questions for the US and the West. Not only will quality of life in the West be affected

Important and Informative -

Stefan Halper's "The Beijing Consensus" summarizes how China's ('The People's Republic of China' - PRC) non-confrontational strategies are changing the world order. For decades the U.S. used its military and economic strength to leverage developing countries into economic and government reform. This worked fine, as long as we were the only game in town. The PRC, however, has now entered the arena and provides a welcome non-judgmental alternative to many struggling nations. This new approach to foreign aid, combined with admiration for China's economic success, is boosting its world influence, as well as access to energy and other natural resources. Meanwhile, China's autocratic leadership is now setting the foundation for future economic successes, and shows no sign of liberalizing; ironically, U.S. economic progress seems hindered by its vaunted democratic processes. Some Americans have fixated on growing PRC expenditures, now second largest in the world, for modernizing its military. Halper believes this should not be a concern. China is avoiding direct confrontation with the U.S., even though it remains committed to re-unification with Taiwan and the U.S. to preservation of Taiwan's defense. The first reason to not worry is that China does not want the budgetary strain of a military arms race with the U.S., nor the foreign policy atmospherics that would result. Halper sees China's modernizing military as simply motivated via 'just-in-case' Americans get too aggressive, and centers on high-tech, close-in defensive weapons. Halper's second reason for discounting a military threat from the PRC is that Taiwan is no longer the flash-point it once was. The is due to China's confidence that re-unification is inevitable, and its willingness to wait. Meanwhile, trade between the two was $108 billion in 2007 (up 16% from 2006), over one million Taiwanese now live and work in the PRC, contacts have increased through regular mail and commercial flights between the two, and China's economic successes have made it more attractive to those living on Taiwan. Halper, however, is very much concerned about China's growing soft power. Per Harvard's Joseph Nye, when competing for influence "It's not whose Army wins, it's whose story wins." China sees foreign aid as an important part of the contest of stories. Nations clamoring for aid during the latter half of the 20th-century had little choice other than the U.S. led World Bank and the IMF. However, both soon demonstrated a lack of ability to reliably help other nations, sometimes causing more harm than good. Reasons included their numerous ideological 'one-size-fits-all' economic requirements that assumed recipient nations had strong domestic industries, legal systems, and administrative cadres. Despite aid recipient nations often being in recession, IMF and World Bank mandates for cutting government spending worsened the economies of many aid recipients. Directed to eliminate trade barriers, recipients l